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How Mitch McConnell killed the commission to attack the US Capitol

The story of how Republicans failed the January 6 questioning was announced by eight House and Senate aides, who spoke about the condition of anonymity as Mitch McConnell on Capitol Hill on May 25th. Photo: Erin Scott / Reuters Days before the Senate voted to create a 9/11-style commission to investigate the attack on the Capitol, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell was very strong : he opposes the bill, regardless of any amendments – and he expects his colleagues to follow through. The commission that is likely to find Donald Trump and some Republicans responsible for the uprising poses a significant threat to the GOP before the midterms, he said, and will complicate efforts to get a majority in Congress. McConnell’s stern warning at a closed-door meeting had the desired effect on Friday, in which a majority of Senate Republicans chose to remain the Senate minority leader. All but six of them voted to block the commission and prevent full coverage of the events on 6 January. But it also underscores the alarm that has taken the McConnell and Senate Republican leadership to the brutality of the political times that have begun to vote, and how they are taking advantage of fears within the GOP to cross a mercurial former chief to provoke opposition to the commission. The story of how Republicans failed to raise the issue of one of the darkest days for democracy in America – five died as a pro -Trump mob stormed the Capitol and sought to hang Mike Pence – announced eight aides in the House and Senate, speaking about the status of anonymity. The hope of a commission slipped was surrounded by pieces of broken glass at the Capitol on the night of Jan. 6, and as House Democrats drafted impeachment articles against Trump, Nancy Pelosi, the spokeswoman for Kamara, made his first appearance on the canvas in hopes of a commission to investigate the attack. Immediately after the riot, Pelosi had reason to hope. Motivated by the threat many Republicans feel to their own safety, a swarming group of lawmakers began moaning for a questionnaire to reveal how Trump did nothing to stop the unrest. But what was previously announced as a necessary step to “investigate and report” on attacks and interference in electoral processes soon broke down, with the commission quickly reduced to a sick point. in conflict with a deep division in the Capitol. Mike Pence and Nancy Pelosi presided over a joint session of Congress to confirm the college election results in 2020 after a mob stormed the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6. Photo: Erin Schaff / AFP / Getty Images The main opposition from House and Senate Republicans, at first, centered on the middle structure of Pelosi’s initial proposal, which would have seen a majority of members appointed by Democrats, which would also create unilateral subpoena power. And just weeks after the riot, the House minority leader, Kevin McCarthy, has already filed a complaint for his final objection: that the scope of the commission does not include unrelated violence far from last summer, a political priority stifled talks. With little progress three months after the Capitol attack, Pelosi made a renewed effort to set up a commission on April 16, floating a revised proposal that mirrored the original 9/11 commission with a panel equally split between Democrats and Republicans. Pelosi gave his leadership team that included the leader of the House majority, Steny Hoyer, whipping the majority of the House, Jim Clyburn, the spokeswoman, Katherine Clark, and most importantly, the chair of the safety committee. Bennie Thompson’s home, part of the proposal next Monday. During that meeting, Hoyer first raised hopes of extending the same subpoena power to Republicans as well – a concession that would allow Democrats to meet all Republican demands about the commission structure – which adopted by Pelosi a few days later. In the last week of April, Pelosi chose Thompson to lead the talks because he felt the homeland security committee was a suitable place, and because the committee’s leading Republican was John Katko. , was just one of three House GOP members who impeached Trump. At the break of the House, Thompson made enough progress in negotiations to shorten Pelosi and his leadership team on May 8 that he secured an interim commission deal, even if Katko wanted to wait for a notice until Liz Cheney is ousted as chairman of the GOP conference. Tensions within the House Republican conference reached new heights last week after Cheney continued his monthly criticism of Trump’s lies about a stolen election in a party withdrawal in Florida, and Katko was careful to insert the commission at the charged moment. “Once Liz Cheney gets the vote, she’s ready to make a joint statement,” Thompson said in statements first reported by CNN. Minutes after House Republicans nominated Elise Stefanik to be the new chairman of the GOP conference on May 14, Thompson and Katko unveiled their proposal for a bipartisan 9/11-style commission. McConnell broke the bill Cheney’s ouster strengthened Tump’s external influence in the Republican party, and set the scene in the coming weeks. McCarthy almost immediately sought to distance himself from the commission and not committee about offering his endorsement. Asked if he had already signed off on the deal, McCarthy bluntly: “No, no, no,” he told reporters in the basement of the Capitol. The following Tuesday, leading House Republicans urged their colleagues to oppose the commission’s bill, with McCarthy positioning against the investigation on the basis that its scope focused on attacking the Capitol. As Hoyer expected when he suggested that Pelosi also offer the same power to subpoena Republicans, McCarthy fought the devil in the commission, and several House Republicans told the Guardian they saw his complaints about the extent of lack of faith. Kevin McCarthy on Capitol Hill on May 20. Photo: Ken Cedeno / Reuters The Senate minority leader, meanwhile, criticized Trump, whom he blamed for inciting unrest, and the public seemed open to a commission. But in clarifying the points of House Republicans voting for the bill, his calculus quickly changed. Two days after the Senate returned for votes on May 17 McConnell announced to Senate Republicans at a private breakfast event that he was opposed to the commission viewed by the House, and made it clear he would start a joint campaign. to sink the bill. Supporting McConnell’s alarm is the fact that Democrats need 10 Senate Republicans to vote in favor of the commission, and seven have already voted to impeach Trump during his second Senate hearing – an even greater controversial vote rather than supporting a single question on Jan. 6. It is known that Senate Democrats could find three or four more allies of uncertain Republicans, McConnell cautioned. After announcing at the breakfast event that he would oppose the commission, McConnell criticized the bill as “sloping and unbalanced” on the Senate floor, biting into statements that represented a clear warning of his expectations. He continued the tension throughout Wednesday afternoon, so that by nightfall, McConnell had a victory when Senator Richard Burr, who voted to impeach Trump just four months ago, abruptly reversed course to say he would dismiss the commission. In the end, only six Senate Republicans – Mitt Romney, Susan Collins, Bill Cassidy, Rob Portman, Lisa Murkowski and Ben Sasse – voted to continue on the commission. As the final vote comes to its expected end, Senate minority striker John Thune, who has also changed his position to side with McConnell, acknowledged McConnell’s arguments about a commission endangering Republican chances of reclaiming the heads of the House and Senate. Summarizing his concerns, Thune said: “Anything that brings us back to the 2020 election that I think is a day lost is going to make a difference between us and the most radical leftwing agenda of the Democratic. “



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